Thumbnail image

Last Updated on : Saturday, November 22, 2014

 


sp

DOWNLOAD EUREKA volumes in PDF: Eureka downloads page

Eureka vol. 1 TOC | Eureka vol. 2 TOC | Eureka vol 3 TOC

Previous section | Next section

 

Eureka

AN EXPOSITION OF THE APOCALYPSE
Sixth Edition, 1915
By Dr. John Thomas (first edition written 1861)

 

 

Chapter 6

Section 1 Subsection 2.3

The Coronal Wreath


 
spacer

How gratifying, then, to the spectator when he beheld a coronal wreath bestowed upon him -- "and there was given to him a stephanos," not a diadema. John "saw" the full import of this sign, which we who are confined to the English Version, do not. In the revelation communicated to him the Spirit was very exact in the use of words. When he desired to impart distinct ideas, he did not select one word-sign as representative of them all. For different ideas he chose different Greek words and phrases. This rule the translators of our English Version have not regarded; for, in numerous instances, they have used but one and the same word to express "the words which the Holy Spirit teacheth." Thus, for aion, kosmos, ge, oikoumene, four widely differing word-signs, they have substituted our indefinite sign, world; for machira and rhomphaia the word sword; and for stephanos and diadema the word crown. These are only a few instances, but sufficient to show that the English translation does not with critical accuracy represent "the things which the Holy Spirit teaches." This defect we must endeavor to supply by interpretation and exposition.

As to diadema, the diadem, we see in Apoc. xii. 3, the great red dragon in the heaven wearing seven diadems, one upon each head. In ch. xiii. 1, we behold ten diadems on the beast that rises out of the sea, one on each of his horns. And lastly, in ch. xix. 12, many diadems are seen upon the head of Him, who conquered and possesses the kingdoms of the nations previously held by the ten horns -- on the head of the King of kings and Lord of lords. These are the only places in the apocalypse where diadem occurs.

Diadema signifies a band or fillet, and comes from diadeo, to bind round. It was properly the band of the tiara or turban worn by kings. The diademed tiara was the badge of sovereignty among the Asiatics; hence it signifies in the symbolization of the apocalypse the royal dignity of the wearer. Kings used several diadems when they possessed several kingdoms. Thus, Ptolemy, having conquered Syria, made his entry into Antioch, wearing two crowns upon his head, that of Egypt and that of Asia. The seven heads of the Dragon were actually sovereign; so the Ten Horns; and so will the Faithful and True One be over the many kingdoms, when the time for the verification of the prefiguration shall have been fulfilled.

A diadem was not given to the Bowman of the first seal. He was therefore not a reigning sovereign; and could not represent a Roman emperor, or a succession of emperors, as is supposed by the learned author of the Horae Apocalypticae. The Roman emperors, good, bad, and indifferent, were already diademed in the sixth head of the Dragon. The Bowman had nothing to do with the emperors but to obey them in all things not forbidden by the Spirit; and to contend against the superstition over which they presided as pontiffs supreme. The destiny of the rider of the white horse was not to wear the diadem, but to win the stephanos when the limit of his conquering should be reached.

We need not say much about the stephanos in this place, having dwelt upon it considerably in vol. I. ch. iii, sec. ii, 6. It was a circlet of evergreen offered as a prize of honor and glory to the victor in the public games celebrated in the service of the gods. Before the combatant could receive the stephan he had to go on conquering according to the rules of the fight; then at the end of the conflict, he was adorned with the emblem of victory. The stephan may therefore be said to import, as a symbol, something to be obtained by conflict; or something that may have been obtained thereby. In Apoc. iv. 4,10, the twenty-four elders are stephaned with each a stephan, which they cast down before the throne. Their stephans are golden or unfading, which they receive after having been invested with white garments -- victors’ wreaths, bestowed by the Spirit upon all who overcome.

In Apoc. ix. 7, the locusts have something on their heads resembling stephans of gold -- yellow turbans. In ch. xii. 1, the woman in the heaven, from which the Dragon had been expelled, is encompassed about the head with a stephanos of twelve stars, indicating that she had obtained her position there by having conquered. Lastly in ch. xiv. 14, one resembling the Son of Man rides a white cloud, and wears a golden stephan. This indicates that he has a conflict before him, and at the same time is predictive of his conquering unto final victory.

From considerations, then, derived from the use of the word stephanos in general and particular, we "come" with John "and see," that the valiant archer of the seal was not a ruler, or succession of rulers, of an established dominion, or royalty; but a combatant, an athlete, in that great public game, whose issue was his extermination by fire and sword; or his victory over Caesar, by which that god of the whole Roman earth should be displaced, and the Man-Child of the Star-wreathed woman enthroned as his substitute over all the nations of the Dragon empire. This was the grand proximate issue between the "One Body," or Christ Mystical, to which John belonged, and the pagan Roman power that oppressed him and his brethren and companions in tribulation for the word of the Deity, and for the testimony of Jesus Christ (i. 9). They were gratified, comforted, and energized, by the testimony of this prophetic seal, that they would go on conquering for a purpose; and that purpose, not merely the converting of men and women from idolatry that they might obtain remission of sins and eternal life; this was only one department of their mission, great and important in itself; but "conquering that they might conquer" the great Dragon, that old Serpent, surnamed the Diabolos and the Satan, which deceived the whole habitable and persecuted them continually unto imprisonment, confiscation, and death (xii. 9). Hence, the mission of this body of believers in its manhood, with no other weapon than a bow, -- the word of the Deity, or gospel of his kingdom, -- was twofold; namely, "to take out from the nations a people for his name;" and secondly, and subordinately to this, so to indoctrinate society with their principles, as by its enlightenment to make it the instrument of a grand political revolution, by which its constitution in all departments of the body politic should be changed and thoroughly remodelled after a pattern altogether different from the old. This conquest of Rome pagan they saw foreshadowed in a stephanos being given to the rider on the white horse. They knew from the nature of the gift, and their own condition in the world as a proscribed people, that it was prophetic, and not the representation of an accomplished fact. When they reviewed their progress in the empire for the past sixty years, they perceived that they were a conquering people, but that they had not yet won the stephan, or victor’s wreath. They had therefore to go on "conquering that they might conquer;" and with this most satisfying consideration to strengthen and encourage them, that if in the conflict their blood were poured out under the Altar, and they might not be personal witnesses of the Dragon’s expulsion from the heaven, yet, "precious in the eyes of Yahweh is the death of his saints;" they would therefore not be forgotten, but at a remoter epoch would be raised from among the dead, and be associated with the Lamb as his companions in arms in the conquest of the Ten Horns, and in the binding and shutting up of the Dragon in the abyss for a thousand years.

Such, then, is the general import of the first seal. Although its period was most happy and prosperous for the generations ruled by Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian and the two Antonines, yet the "we all who had come to a perfect man" had often to groan under the bloody despotism of those wise and virtuous heathen. Of Trajan, the historian saith, "There remains one panegyric far removed beyond the suspicion of flattery. Above two hundred and fifty years after the death of Trajan, the Senate, in pouring out the accustomed acclamations on the accession of a new emperor, wished that he might surpass the fidelity of Augustus and the virtue of Trajan. Yet this virtuous emperor ordered his subjects to be capitally punished if convicted of the guilt of Christianity, as is clearly seen from his letter to Pliny. There is still a letter extant addressed by Tiberianus, of the province of Syria, to Trajan, which shows his persecuting spirit, and the boldness of his victims. "I am quite wearied," says he, "with punishing and destroying the Galileans, or those of the sect called Christians, according to your orders. Yet they never cease to profess voluntarily what they are, and to offer themselves to death. Wherefore I have labored, by exhortation and threatening, to discourage them from daring to confess to me that they are of that sect. Yet, in defiance of all persecution, they still continue to do it. Be pleased, therefore, to inform me what your highness thinks proper to be done with them."

Whatever answer was given to this, the sanguinary enmity of the government continued to be evinced during the whole of Trajan’s reign; for it does not appear that the edicts which were in force against the christadelphians and their fellowservants when he ascended the throne, were ever repealed or revoked during his life, which was closed A.D. 117, while prosecuting his great military expedition into the East, having swayed the imperial sceptre nineteen years.

Trajan was succeeded by Hadrian, under whose reign the state of affairs in regard to our hero of the first seal-period was somewhat ameliorated. This ruler had decreed that "these people were not to be officiously sought after;" nevertheless, such as were accused and convicted of an obstinate adhesion to the faith, were to be put to death as criminals; a sentence from which there was no escape but by worshipping the gods and adjuring Christ. Nevertheless, Hadrian, according to Gibbon, was a wise and virtuous prince, under whom "the empire flourished in peace and prosperity. He encouraged the arts, reformed the laws, asserted military discipline, and visited all his provinces in person. His vast and active genius was equally suited to the most enlarged views and the minute details of civil policy; but the ruling passions of his soul were curiosity and vanity. As these prevailed, and as they were attracted by different objects, Hadrian was by turns an excellent prince, a ridiculous sophist, and a jealous tyrant." He reigned twenty one years, that is, to A.D. 138, when death caused him to give place to the Antonines.

According to Tertullian, he was in the highest degree curious and inquisitive. His knowledge is said to have been varied and extensive -- he had studied all the arts of magic, and was passionately fond of the rites and institutions of Paganism. There could, therefore, have been no sympathy, in his heart for those who were handling the bow for the victor’s wreath. Apologies, or vindications of christianity were addressed to him by two writers named Quadratus and Aristides, A.D. 126, which were supposed to have favorably affected him; but it could only have been slightly, as the imperial edicts were permitted to operate against them.

Concerning the period of this seal, Mosheim has remarked that such of the christians as could conceal their profession were indeed sheltered under the law of Trajan, which was therefore a disagreeable restraint upon the heathen priests, who breathed nothing but fury against the disciples of Jesus. The office of an accuser was also become dangerous, and very few were disposed to undertake it, which put the priests upon inventing new methods of oppressing the christians. The law of Trajan was consequently artfully evaded under his successor Hadrian. The populace, set in motion by their priests, demanded from the magistrates, with one voice, during the public games, the destruction of the christians; and the magistrates, fearing that a sedition might be the consequence of despising or opposing these popular clamors, were too much disposed to indulge them in their request. During these commotions, Serenus Granianus proconsul of Asia, represented to Hadrian how barbarous and unjust it was to sacrifice to the fury of a lawless multitude persons who had been convicted of no crime.

This remonstrance was not without effect. Hadrian saw the propriety of the complaint, and his moderation in yielding to it is supposed to have been attributable to the "Apologies" before mentioned. Serenus having resigned, Hadrian addressed the following rescript to his successor:

 

"TO MINUTIUS FUNDANUS

 

"I have received a letter written to me by the very illustrious Serenus Granianus, whom you have succeeded. To me, then, the affair seems by no means a fit one to be slightly passed over, that men may not be disturbed without cause, and that sycophants may not be encouraged in their odious practices. If the people of the province will appear publicly, and prefer open charges against the christians, so as to afford them an opportunity of answering for themselves, let them proceed, but in that manner only, and not by rude demands and mere clamor. For it is much more proper, if any person will accuse them, that you should take cognizance of these matters. If, therefore, any should accuse the christians, and show that they actually break the laws, do you determine according to the nature of the crime. But by Hercules! if the charge be a mere calumny, do you estimate the enormity of such calumny, and punish it as it deserves."

But, during this seal-period, the swinish multitude and priests of pagan Rome, with the civil power of the state, were not the only enemy in the "outer darkness" with which the rider on the white horse had to contend in his conquering career. The Jews, whose state had been dissolved by the fervent heat of divine indignation, still were true to the character given to them by Paul, that "they pleased not God, and were contrary to all men" -- contrary to the saints in Christ, and contrary to the Romans. Still, if the Gentiles made an onslaught upon the christians, the Jews were sure to throw in all their influence to aggravate the horrors of the situation. But the eye of the Deity was upon them, and his wrath ready to flame out anew.

During the half century that had elapsed since the destruction of Jerusalem by the Roman Horn of the Goat, the Jews had wonderfully increased. They felt their importance in this respect, and became daring and ferocious, making violent attempts, as opportunity seemed to favor, to restore their government. Their first rebellion was about a year before Trajan’s death. It extended through the Jewish population of Palestine, Egypt, Cyrenaica, Cyprus, and the neighboring coasts, and much blood was shed between them and Rome. A second rebellion broke out in the sixteenth year of Hadrian, A.D. 133. This was also very sanguinary, and continued to increase for about four years. In its suppression there was an unpitying destruction of the Jews, being more severe because they had long irritated and vexed the Romans. "But," as a writer has well remarked, "their sufferings were a just reward for their cruelty and unrelenting hatred toward the christians, whose principles would not allow them to unite in rebellion against the government." This ruin of Jewish affairs was of some advantage to the party of the Bow, which, though not delivered from their hatred, was liable to less annoyance from the diminution of their influence with those in power.

But, with the death of Hadrian, A.D. 138, and the accession of Titus Antoninus Pius, a senator of about fifty years of age, who filled his place in "the heaven," the state of the combatant for the victor’s wreath was relatively improved. The emperor appears to have been a most amiable prince. He caused order and tranquillity to be maintained throughout the empire, and though a heathen pontiff, he was never guilty, so far as his own personal character and intentions were concerned, of wantonly shedding the blood of christians. They were, however, cruelly treated in some of the Asiatic provinces. The crimes laid to their charge by the priests were those of impiety and atheism from a pagan point of view. But Antoninus issued an edict in which he decided that the profession of christianity was not in itself either the one or the other. He addressed a letter to this effect to the magistrate, as follows:
 
 

THE EMPEROR TO THE COMMON COUNCIL OF ASIA.

"I am quite of opinion that the gods will take care to discover such persons. For it much more concerns them to punish those who refuse to worship them, than you, if they are able. But you harass and vex the christians, and accuse them of atheism and other crimes, which you can by no means prove. To them it appears an advantage to die for their religion, and they gain their point while they throw away their lives, rather than comply with your injunctions. As to the earthquakes which have happened in past times or lately, is it not proper to remind you of your own despondency when they happened, and to desire you to compare your spirit with theirs, and to observe how serenely they confide in God? In such seasons you seem to be ignorant of the gods, and to neglect their worship. You live in practical ignorance of the supreme God himself, and you harass and persecute to death those who do worship him. Concerning these same men, some others of the provincial governors wrote to our divine father Hadrian, to whom he returned answer, ‘that they should not be molested unless they appeared to attempt something against the Roman government.’ Many also have signified to me concerning these men, to whom I have returned an answer agreeable to the maxims of my father. But if any person will still persist in accusing the christians merely as such, let the accused be acquitted though he appear to be a christian, and let the accuser be punished" (Set up at Ephesus in the Common Assembly of Asia).

Eusebius informs us that letters to the same purport were written to other assemblies, and to all Greeks; and that the humane emperor took care that his edicts were carried into effect. He reigned twenty-three years, and it seems not unreasonable to conclude that during the greater part of that time the "we all who had come to a perfect man" were enabled still to go on conquering with the bow without very formidable molestation. But at length the senior Antoninus died, A.D. 161; and was succeeded by his colleague, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, an implacable persecutor of the faithful; yet, according to Gibbon, "just and beneficent to all mankind." These two Antonines governed the Dragon empire forty two years "with the same invariable spirit of wisdom and virtue. Their united reigns," continues this elegant apologist for paganism, "are possibly the only period of history in which the happiness of a great people was the sole object of government." Marcus detested war as the disgrace and calamity of human nature; yet he was forward to shed the blood of christians without a pang.

But Marcus Aurelius was a philosopher of the sect of the Stoics, the old opponents of Paul in Athens. His philosophy was his superstition. He fancied that he carried the Deity within him, and that to be good and virtuous was only to follow nature and to obey the dictates of the Deity -- that is, of the human soul, which was divine and self-sufficient. Such was his wisdom -- the wisdom of the world, which the wisdom of the Deity in its conquering progress proved to be folly. The collision of these systems brought the rider of the white horse into conflict with this imperial champion of defiled human consciousness. His bow dashed it in pieces as a vain conceit; and as Dagon before the ark, scattered its fragments to the pity and contempt of myriads. This indignity was too much for the pride of a Stoic, wielding despotically the "dreadful and terrible" power of the Roman Dragon. The pride of the emperor was deeply wounded. He could not endure to be proved a fool by the logic of the truth twanging from the archer’s bow in flights of missiles, darkening the air of his philosophy. Nothing but blood could expiate the offence. Hence his cruel and exterminating policy against the christians, so opposite to that of his humane and noble predecessor.

In speaking of this ruler, Mosheim remarks, that "most writers have celebrated Marcus beyond measure on account of his extraordinary wisdom and virtue. It is not, however, in his conduct towards the christians that we are to look for the reasons of these pompous encomiums; for here the clemency and justice of that emperor suffers a strange eclipse ... So that if we except Nero, there was no reign under which the christians were more injuriously and cruelly treated." He commenced a persecution against them, and carried it on with merciless barbarity in those Asiatic regions which had been relieved by Antoninus Pius, whose tolerant principles, in the plenitude of his power, he dismissed altogether from his regard. Still, though the blood of the saints poured forth copiously afresh, the archer was not dismayed at the terrors of the fight. His career could not be impeded by an imperial professor and lecturer on Stoical metaphysics. He rode on, "conquering that he might conquer," rejoicing in the honor of death, that being faithful thereto, he might receive the wreath of victory, and of the life that knows no end (Apoc. ii. 10). But, though undismayed, voices were sometimes heard deprecating the cruelties inflicted by power. "Pious persons," said Melito of Sardis to the emperor, A.D. 177, "aggrieved by new edicts published throughout Asia, and never before practised, now suffer persecution. For audacious sycophants, and men who covet other persons’ goods, take advantage of these proclamations openly to rob and spoil the innocent by night and by day. If this be done by your order, let it stand good, for a just emperor cannot act unjustly; and we will cheerfully submit to the honor of such a death. This only we humbly crave of your Majesty, that after an impartial examination of us and of our accusers, you would justly decide whether we deserve death and punishment or life and protection. But if these proceedings be not yours, and the new edicts be not the effects of your personal judgment -- edicts which ought not to be enacted even against barbarian enemies -- in that case we entreat you not to despise us who are thus unjustly oppressed."

The reign of this "philosophic emperor" abounds with instances of unrelenting cruelty towards the christians. He made it a capital offence for any one to avow himself a christian; by which he afforded the world a striking illustration of the justice, mercy and beneficence, which flow from the mere reason and philosophy of the natural man! His theory deified what he called the soul; and this rational and philosophic god within him devoted all its divinity and power, inherent and acquired, to the maintaining a system of superstition and idolatry, repugnant to every principle of reason enlightened by sobriety and truth. But, the Lamb who opened this seal, and who was now about to open the second, had tolerated this blind and ferocious philosopher’s malignity, so much in accord with the fury of the besotted and brutal populace, to the utmost of his forbearance. He had afforded "philosophy" in purple an ample opportunity and a splendid theatre for the display of its "wisdom and virtue," in promoting the honor of the Deity, and real happiness of mankind. But it had been weighed in the divine balance, and proved by the conquering bowman of the seal, to be lighter than vanity. His cruelty upon the Brethren of Christ is an indelible disgrace to his memory; which, however, according to Gibbon on the authority of Dion, "was revered by a grateful posterity, and above a century after his death, many persons preserved the image of Marcus Antonius among those of their household gods." His death occurred A.D. 180, by which a period was put to the flaming of this firebrand, which, with little intermission, had continued in one quarter or another during a period of eighteen years.

 

 

 


spacer
spacer
spacer

Eureka Diary -- reading plan for Eureka

spacer